文章：According to many analysts, labor-management relations in the United States are undergoing a fundamental change: traditional adversarialism is giving way to a new cooperative relationship between the two sides and even to concessions from labor. These analysts say the twin shocks of nonunion competition in this country and low-cost, high-quality imports from abroad are forcing unions to look more favorably at a variety of management demands: the need for wage restraint and reduced benefits as well as the abolition of "rigid" work rules, seniority rights, and job classifications. Sophisticated proponents of these new developments cast their observations in a prolabor light. n return for their concessions, they point out, some unions have bargained for profit sharing, retraining rights, and job--security guarantees. Unions can also trade concessions for more say on the shop floor, where techniques such as quality circles and quality-of-work­ life programs promise workers greater control over their own jobs. Unions may even win a voice in investment and pricing strategy, plant location, and other major corporate policy decisions previously reserved to management. Opponents of these concessions from labor argue that such concessions do not save jobs, but either prolong the agony of dying plants or finance the plant relocations that employers had intended anyway. Companies make investment decisions to fit their strategic plans and their profit objectives, opponents point out, and labor costs are usually just a small factor in the equation. Moreover, unrestrained by either loyalty to their work force or political or legislative constraints on their mobility, the companies eventually cut and run, concessions or no concessions. Wage-related concessions have come under particular attack, since opponents believe that high union wages underlay much of the success of United States industry in this century. They point out that a long-standing principle, shared by both management and labor, has been that workers should earn wages that give them the income they need to buy what they make. Moreover, high wages have given workers the buying power to propel the economy forward. f proposals for pay cuts, two-tier wage systems, and subminimum wages for young workers continue to gain credence, opponents believe the U.S. social structure will move toward that of a less-developed nation: a small group of wealthy investors, a sizable but still minority bloc of elite professionals and highly skilled employees, and a huge mass of marginal workers and unskilled laborers. Further, they argue that if unions willingly engage in concession bargaining on the false grounds that labor costs are the source of a company's problems, unions will find themselves competing with Third World pay levels-a competition they cannot win. 想请问郭老师，这题opponents观点是在第三段，但是原文和选项要怎么对照呢...怎么从观点看出态度？

请问这道题为什么选E啊，D选项错在哪里

这题答案是选A吗？条件一我带进去算是可以的，具体是怎么推出来的呢？

求唐老师解答一下, 您在明星蛋壳小班-逻辑-第一天-1小时28分左右, 用实验田的镁盐产量阐述"有关"与"无关"逻辑时, 讲到一个选项-"实验田形状"-同产量无关, 但是这里是否也可以理解成, "实验田的形状"同产量有关. 正如之前用到的一个例子-问"吃了什么?"-答""

请徐老师解答，谢谢，这题您看有除了图里那种套公式之外的做法吗，感觉我用插入法捆绑法也做不了，图里那种用公式套的方法感觉太死板没有真正理解题目

请问王文静老师这题的解题思路，谢谢老师

请问王文静老师这题的解题思路，谢谢老师

答案为B，为什么C不可以，but和because可以连用吗

请徐老师详细解答一下，谢谢，看这题是找因数，但是我看7 310 511 716 323这几个数之间也没有共同的因数啊，也没法把X提出来，因为最后30那项也没X，是不是这题出错了。。

这个题为啥不选E, E是平行结构啊，答案是D, D里面出现了but also不对吧？ 因为原题里没not only啊哈哈@唐老师

这道题我选D,答案选B, 答案不对吧，答案最后是these, 但是后面所接的原文是单数的问题private ownership, 所以。答案只能先把B排除了，老师请问这个题应该选什么？