In a 1918 editorial, W.E.B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker, T.Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressure: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they continued to voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances. Du Bois' accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to "return fighting" from the war.

    Is it possible to decrease inflation without causing a recession and its concomitant increase in unemployment? The orthodox answer is "no." whether they support the "inertia" theory of inflation (that today's inflation rate is caused by yesterday's infla tion, the state of the economic cycle, and external influences such as import prices) or the "rational expectations" theory (that inflation is caused by workers' and employers' expectations, coupled with a lack of credible monetary and fiscal policies), most economists agree that tight monetary and fiscal policies, which cause recessions, are necessary to decelerate inflation. They point out that in the 1980's, many European countries and the United States conquered high (by these countries' standards) inflation, but only by applying tight monetary and fiscal policies that sharply increased unemployment. Nevertheless, some governments' policymakers insist that direct controls on wages and prices, without tight monetary and fiscal policies, can succeed in decreasing inflation. Unfortunately, because this approach fails to deal with the underlying causes of inflation, wage and price controls eventually collapse, the hitherto-repressed inflation resurfaces, and in the meantime, though the policymakers succeed in avoiding a recession, a frozen structure of relative prices imposes distortions that do damage to the economy's prospects for longterm growth.

    In mid-February 1917 a women's movement independent of political affiliation erupted in Line New York City, the stronghold of the Socialist party in the United states. Protesting against the high cost of living, thousands of women refused to buy chickens, fish, and vegetables. The boycott shut down much of the City's foodstuffs marketing for two weeks, riveting public attention on the issue of food prices, which had increased partly as a result of increased exports of food to Europe that had been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War.

    By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a major political presence in New York City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of struggle were electoral work and trade union organizing, seized the opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-of-living protests designed to direct the women's movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the Socialists' brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or oganizing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suffrage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism.

    Although New York's Socialists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best ,secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these women to protest. Consumer organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they saw cheaper food as a valuable end in itself. Food price protests were these women's way of organizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families.