
The flowchart represents a mathematical algorithm that takes two positive integers as the input and returns a positive integer as the output. Processes are indicated in the rectangular symbols in the flowchart. Each process is symbolized by an equation, such as T = T + a. In this particular process, the current values of the variables T and a are added together and the sum then becomes the value of T. For example, if the value of T is 3 and the value of a is 7 before the process T = T + a is completed, then the value of T is 10 and the value of a is 7 after the process is completed.
Use the drop-down menus to fill in the blanks in the following statements based on the algorithm represented by the flowchart.
If 24 and 35 are entered as the values for a and b, respectively, then the first nonzero value of T is .
If 35 and 27 are entered as the values for a and b, respectively, then after the process $$b = rac{b}{2}$$ is completed for the second time, the value of b is .
| Line | In current historiography, the picture of a consistent, |
| unequivocal decline in women’s status with the advent | |
| of capitalism and industrialization is giving way to an | |
| analysis that not only emphasizes both change (whether | |
| (5) | improvement or decline) and continuity but also |
| accounts for geographical and occupational variation. | |
| The history of women’s work in English farmhouse | |
| cheese making between 1800 and 1930 is a case in | |
| point. In her influential Women Workers and the Industrial | |
| (10) | Revolution (1930), Pinchbeck argued that the agricultural |
| revolution of the eighteenth and early nineteenth | |
| centuries, with its attendant specialization and enlarged | |
| scale of operation, curtailed women’s participation in | |
| the business of cheese production. Earlier, she | |
| (15) | maintained, women had concerned themselves with |
| feeding cows, rearing calves, and even selling the | |
| cheese in local markets and fairs. Pinchbeck thought | |
| that the advent of specialization meant that women’s | |
| work in cheese dairying was reduced simply to | |
| (20) | processing the milk. “Dairymen” (a new social category) |
| raised and fed cows and sold the cheese through | |
| factors, who were also men. With this narrowing of the | |
| scope of work, Pinchbeck believed, women lost | |
| business ability, independence, and initiative. | |
| (25) | Though Pinchbeck portrayed precapitalist, |
| preindustrial conditions as superior to what followed, | |
| recent scholarship has seriously questioned the notion | |
| of a golden age for women in precapitalist society. For | |
| example, scholars note that women’s control seldom | |
| (30) | extended to the disposal of the proceeds of their |
| work. In the case of cheese, the rise of factors may | |
| have compromised women’s ability to market cheese | |
| at fairs. But merely selling the cheese did not | |
| necessarily imply access to the money: Davidoff cites | |
| (35) | the case of an Essex man who appropriated all but a |
| fraction of the money from his wife’s cheese sales. | |
| By focusing on somewhat peripheral operations, | |
| moreover, Pinchbeck missed a substantial element | |
| of continuity in women’s participation: throughout the | |
| (40) | period women did the central work of actually |
| making cheese. Their persistence in English cheese | |
| dairying contrasts with women’s early disappearance | |
| from arable agriculture in southeast England and | |
| from American cheese dairying. Comparing these | |
| (45) | three divergent developments yields some reasons |
| for the differences among them. English cheese- | |
| making women worked in a setting in which cultural | |
| values, agricultural conditions, and the nature of | |
| their work combined to support their continued | |
| (50) | participation. In the other cases, one or more of |
| these elements was lacking. |
It can be inferred from the passage that women did work in