| Line | Linda Kerber argued in the mid-1980s that after |
| the American Revolution (1775–1783), an ideology | |
| of “republican motherhood” resulted in a surge of | |
| educational opportunities for women in the United | |
| (5) | States. Kerber maintained that the leaders of |
| the new nation wanted women to be educated in | |
| order to raise politically virtuous sons. A virtuous | |
| citizenry was considered essential to the success | |
| of the country's republican form of government; | |
| (10) | virtue was to be instilled not only by churches and |
| schools, but by families, where the mother's role | |
| was crucial. Thus, according to Kerber, motherhood | |
| became pivotal to the fate of the republic, providing | |
| justification for an unprecedented attention to female | |
| (15) | education. |
| Introduction of the “republican motherhood” | |
| thesis dramatically changed historiography. Prior | |
| to Kerber's work, educational historians barely | |
| mentioned women and girls; Thomas Woody's | |
| (20) | 1929 work is the notable exception. Examining |
| newspaper advertisements for academies, Woody | |
| found that educational opportunities increased for | |
| both girls and boys around 1750. Pointing to “An | |
| Essay on Woman” (1753) as reflecting a shift in | |
| (25) | view, Woody also claimed that practical education |
| for females had many advocates before the | |
| Revolution. Woody's evidence challenges the notion | |
| that the Revolution changed attitudes regarding | |
| female education, although it may have accelerated | |
| (30) | earlier trends. Historians’ reliance on Kerber's |
| “republican motherhood” thesis may have obscured | |
| the presence of these trends, making it difficult | |
| to determine to what extent the Revolution really | |
| changed women's lives. |
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