| Line | Current feminist theory, in validating womens own |
| stories of their experience, has encouraged scholars | |
| of womens history to view the use of womens oral | |
| narratives as the methodology, next to the use of | |
| (5) | womens written autobiography, that brings historians |
| closest to the reality of womens lives. Such | |
| narratives, unlike most standard histories, represent | |
| experience from the perspective of women, affirm | |
| the importance of womens contributions, and furnish | |
| (10) | present-day women with historical continuity that is |
| essential to their identity, individually and collectively. | |
| Scholars of womens history should, however, be | |
| as cautious about accepting oral narratives at face | |
| value as they already are about written memories. | |
| (15) | Oral narratives are no more likely than are written |
| narratives to provide a disinterested commentary on | |
| events or people. Moreover, the stories people tell to | |
| explain themselves are shaped by narrative devices | |
| and storytelling conventions, as well as by other | |
| (20) | cultural and historical factors, in ways that the |
| storytellers may be unaware of. The political rhetoric | |
| of a particular era, for example, may influence | |
| womens interpretations of the significance of their | |
| experience. Thus a woman who views the Second | |
| (25) | World War as pivotal in increasing the social |
| acceptance of womens paid work outside the home | |
| may reach that conclusion partly and unwittingly | |
| because of wartime rhetoric encouraging a positive | |
| view of womens participation in such work. |
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